After occupying Palestine, the messianic settlers have captured Israel Submitted by Abed Abou Shhadeh on Wed, 01/14/2026 - 16:06 The state is being transformed into one with hollow institutions, driven by messianic religious ideology and sustained by military force Protesters denounce the Israeli government’s judicial overhaul plan in Tel Aviv on 30 September 2023 (Ahmad Gharabli/AFP) On Recent events in Israel illustrate the scale of the political and institutional transformations unfolding before our eyes within an exceptionally short period of time. With the world focused on other regional developments, Israel’s aggression continues in Lebanon , Syria , Gaza and across the occupied West Bank, which has been de facto annexed. Israel’s messianic right, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, clearly understands that it is operating in a historic moment. In the near-total absence of a meaningful opposition, it is systematically dismantling state institutions in ways that allow the current government to entrench its power, weaken the judiciary, and erode political and social norms. History shows that when states adopt fascistic patterns, the destruction of institutions and norms produces neither order nor stability. Rather, it produces social chaos and a pervasive sense of disorder. While it is justified to argue that Israel was never a liberal democracy, the state historically governed in a highly calculated and sophisticated manner, particularly towards Palestinians . Israeli policy sought to maintain a delicate balance: repress Palestinians, but only up to the point just before rebellion. The political conduct of Palestinians - particularly those living within the 1948 areas - has been the subject of extensive research, often framed around the question of why they did not rebel. In a comprehensive report concerning the uprising by Palestinian citizens of Israel in 2021, the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in Doha examined and detailed the mechanisms of control through which Israel has worked to suppress Palestinians inside Israel in a sophisticated manner that effectively prevents resistance. However, these mechanisms are complex and require substantial manpower and long-term strategic thinking. With the rise of the messianic right and an increasingly forceful tone in Israeli political discourse, these systems have been weakened, along with the human infrastructure responsible for sustaining them. As banal and cruel as this approach was, it required capable Israeli personnel, and an understanding that not everything could be solved through brute force alone. That balance has now collapsed. Violent consequences Since the appointment of Itamar Ben Gvir as national security minister, and amid his direct interference in police operations, an increasing number of senior police officers have resigned. At the same time, individuals personally loyal to the minister - many lacking the necessary skills, experience and institutional understanding - are being appointed to senior positions. The consequences have been immediate and violent. Over the past two weeks alone, following a suspected horse theft from a Negev community, Ben Gvir and police initiated provocative patrols in a Bedouin village , which escalated into direct clashes with residents. The village was placed under siege for several days, dozens were arrested, and police killed a father of seven at the entrance to his home, in front of his children. Days later, police failed to maintain order during a Haredi protest against Israel’s conscription law. A 14-year-old Haredi boy was killed and several others injured after a Palestinian bus driver struck them with his vehicle. The driver was reportedly attempting to flee the area after being violently attacked by a Haredi mob; he had attempted to call police for assistance, but it never arrived. Netanyahu appears to be gambling that maintaining even a facade of democracy and respect for human rights is no longer necessary Since the beginning of the year, at least 16 Palestinians have been killed in criminal shooting incidents. Israel has also recently recorded a sharp uptick in femicide cases across the country, alongside a 245 percent increase in applications to emergency centres for victims of domestic violence. To understand the broader picture, one must look at developments surrounding Israel’s Supreme Court. The United Torah Judaism (UTJ) party has threatened to oppose the state budget and bring down the government if legislation isn’t passed to regulate ultra-Orthodox enlistment and exemptions to mandatory military service. At the same time, Ben Gvir and other coalition leaders signed a letter urging Netanyahu to refuse to comply with any petition before the Supreme Court that may require him to dismiss the national security minister over improper interference with police authority. This demand represents an unprecedented breach of the political foundations upon which Israeli governance has historically rested. Further highlighting the chaos and erosion of norms, that very same day, the party of Netanyahu rival Benny Gantz released a campaign video showing an Israeli family sheltering in a safe room while a news broadcast announces that because the government relies on an Arab party, the security cabinet cannot convene during wartime. A slogan appears on screen: “Our children’s security comes first - we do not rely on Arab parties.” Despite the toxic association between children’s safety and the legitimacy of Arab political participation, such incitement against Palestinian citizens of Israel and their representatives has become normalised. Global order crumbling What is new, however, is the unprecedented incitement directed even towards Zionist leftist figures - many of whom supported and defended the war on Gaza . After former Supreme Court president Aharon Barak - one of the most influential figures in Israeli legal history - told protesters in Tel Aviv that Israel is “no longer a liberal democracy” and warned of one-man rule, a wave of incitement quickly followed, despite Barak’s international stature and his role in legitimising Israeli occupation abroad. These developments are compounded by legislation promoted by Netanyahu since the formation of the current government in 2022, which explicitly aims to weaken the judiciary and undermine its legitimacy. As the global order crumbles and the US retreats from international institutions, Netanyahu appears to be gambling that maintaining even a facade of democracy and respect for human rights is no longer necessary. In a genocidal society, Israel's crisis runs deeper than the courts Read More » In recent days, the Knesset has seriously debated a bill proposed by MK Limor Son Har-Melech (Jewish Power) that would allow courts to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of terrorism, even if prosecutors do not request it. Under the proposal, a unanimous judicial ruling would not be required - a simple majority would suffice - and prison guards would carry out the executions. Many Israelis understand the trajectory and the consequences of weakening state institutions, especially amid reports that the Shin Bet has been holding “cautionary” talks with leaders of protests opposing Netanyahu - an extraordinary act previously reserved almost exclusively for Palestinian citizens. Ironically, these developments mirror the annexation plan published in 2017 by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, outlining how Israel should take over the West Bank. While many imagined annexation as Israel creeping into the West Bank, the reality is the reverse: the logic of occupation is creeping into Israel itself. The state is being transformed into one with hollow institutions, driven by messianic religious ideology and sustained by military force. It is therefore unsurprising that 2025 continued the trend of Israelis leaving the country, with Israel recording its lowest population growth rate since its founding. What we are witnessing today is the realisation of warnings issued decades ago by German Jewish philosopher Hannah Arendt on the behaviour of totalitarian regimes: “Totalitarianism in power invariably replaces all first-rate talents, regardless of their sympathies, with those crackpots and fools whose lack of intelligence and creativity is still the best guarantee of their loyalty.” Those who leave are typically the capable and talented; those who can afford to go. In their place, increasingly unqualified and incapable individuals occupy positions of power, further weakening institutions - a defining feature of totalitarian systems. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye. Inside Israel Opinion Post Date Override 0 Update Date Mon, 05/04/2020 - 21:29 Update Date Override 0