BirGün Gazetesi
The 70th session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), held in New York from 9–19 March 2026, convened as a follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women and the 23rd Special Session of the UN General Assembly. Under the theme “Gender equality, development and peace for the 21st century,” the session prioritized the implementation of the strategic objectives and actions of the Fourth World Conference on Women in critical areas, as well as additional initiatives. In this context, discussions focused on ensuring and strengthening access to justice for all women and girls, including promoting inclusive and equitable legal systems, eliminating discriminatory laws, policies, and practices, and removing structural barriers. The outcome of the session - the annual agreed conclusions - was adopted with 37 votes in favor, 1 against, and 14 abstentions. For the first time in 70 years, the Commission held a vote; in previous years, the outcome document had been adopted by consensus. This time, the vote on the agreed conclusions was requested by the United States after an overwhelming majority rejected the eight amendment proposals it had submitted. The United States sought the removal of language that has long appeared in similar documents and is widely understood to preserve an inclusive vision for protecting the human rights of women and girls. In fact, what happened was nothing more than the internationalization of the significant shifts in discourse that the Trump administration introduced domestically in 2025 on reproductive health, women’s rights, and equality. Within the scope of these changes in 2025, the U.S. administration reshaped its approach around the concepts of “protecting life” and “strengthening the family,” frequently using these notions as justification for restricting access to abortion and rolling back protections related to sexual and reproductive health and rights. In 2025, U.S. delegates began objecting to the term “gender” in many international forums, arguing that it is a “self-assessed” concept and replacing it with binary, biological definitions. Official language, as part of an agenda limiting protections for transgender and non-binary individuals, targeted trans rights by emphasizing that “men are biologically male and women are biologically female.” The U.S. administration also sought to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion policies by characterizing them as unequal or restrictive, promoting instead “merit-based” systems. Similarly, in its proposed amendments to the outcome document, the U.S. delegation targeted reproductive rights, gender language, inclusivity, and international commitments. When member states overwhelmingly rejected these proposals, the U.S. delegation, aiming to prevent the document from being adopted by consensus, called for a vote for the first time in 70 years and voted against the text. Following the U.S. request for a vote, Russia, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, while expressing regret that the document was not adopted by consensus, chose to abstain. The annual outcome document is an extremely important document that reaffirms, at the global level, the commitment to strengthening women’s and girls’ access to justice. The text not only emphasizes legal equality but also proposes concrete steps to eliminate discriminatory laws and structural barriers and to establish inclusive justice systems. It clearly underscores that access to justice is a fundamental element for women’s empowerment and for the equal enjoyment of all human rights. The importance of this document lies not only in identifying existing problems but also in constituting a clear call to action for governments, international organizations, and civil society. It emphasizes that chronic issues such as violence against women, discrimination, and inequality can only be addressed through holistic and systematic approaches. In this sense, the document is not merely a policy text but also serves as a roadmap that promotes accountability and tangible progress at the global level. The Commission on the Status of Women is composed of 45 member states elected by the United Nations Economic and Social Council. Members are elected for four-year terms according to the principle of equitable geographic distribution. Türkiye is not a member of the Commission for the 2025–2028 term. However, this does not restrict participation in meetings, the ability to deliver statements, or to engage in lobbying activities - the only difference from full members is the inability to vote. At the 2026 session, Türkiye was officially represented by a delegation led by Minister of Family and Social Services Mahinur Özdemir Göktaş . In the context of CSW70, we also know that exiled journalists, human rights defenders, feminist collectives, and advocates of the Istanbul Convention participated. Thus, although they come from the same country, two different realities about the country are being conveyed. While the official state delegation presents government policies as narratives of “progress and success,” civil society organizations focus on rights violations, setbacks, and structural problems. This is precisely what makes the Commission on the Status of Women politically so compelling. To understand Türkiye’s political stance within the Commission, it is necessary to look beyond the question of “membership” and examine a deeper transformation. This transformation can broadly be read in three phases in relation to the Istanbul Convention: The honeymoon (2000–2012): Türkiye progressed in parallel with the European Union process; its position at the CSW was rights-based, used a more universal language, and was aligned with international norms. Türkiye was the first country to sign and ratify the Istanbul Convention. It’s “complicated” phase (2013–2020): This discourse began to change. Instead of “gender equality,” the emphasis shifted toward “equality between women and men,” “equality of opportunity,” and “protection of the family.” The discourse of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan shaped this framework. During this period, Türkiye began to use a dual language at the CSW. On issues of family structure and the definition of gender, it advocated positions similar to those currently held by the United States. The breakup (from 2021 to the present): This period begins with the rupture marked by Türkiye’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. Moved toward selective support at the CSW. During this period, its alignment with the Western bloc has weakened. In this sense, Türkiye’s re-election to the Commission has become considerably more difficult. With regard to the Istanbul Convention, Türkiye is a country that has made history with firsts. It was the first country to ratify the Convention, which was signed in Istanbul on 11 May 2011, doing so in 2012. On 20 March 2021, it also became the first country to withdraw from the Convention by presidential decree. Had Türkiye been one of the 45 member states at the 70th session (setting aside what the Minister of Family and Social Services stated), given its track record on women’s rights and particularly its striking position on the Istanbul Convention, the stance it would have taken in the vote remains a matter of curiosity.
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